Joshua, Act 1, Nos. 6b But who is He?
Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device.
You can download and read online Joshua, Act 1, Nos. 6b But who is He? file PDF Book only if you are registered here.
And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with Joshua, Act 1, Nos. 6b But who is He? book.
Happy reading Joshua, Act 1, Nos. 6b But who is He? Bookeveryone.
Download file Free Book PDF Joshua, Act 1, Nos. 6b But who is He? at Complete PDF Library.
This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats.
Here is The CompletePDF Book Library.
It's free to register here to get Book file PDF Joshua, Act 1, Nos. 6b But who is He? Pocket Guide.
Nelson ,18 A. Mayes 19 and I. Provan Characteristics of the later editor can be found in the topics related to obeying the law and the criticism against other gods. Besides these two editorial layers Mayes finds some other insertions and, importantly, argues that a significant part of the text is identified with the post-deuteronomistic period. At least R. Smend ,22 W. Dietrich 23 and T.
MADDOX v. McDONALD
Veijola ; 24 can be counted as belonging to the earliest period of this school. Besides the law theme, warnings against other nations in the land or the worship of their idols were decisive for identifying DtrNtexts. Thus Smend built his hypothesis on two methodological assumptions: first, some texts are later insertions to the basic text DtrH ; and Cross, Canaanite Myth, p. Nelson, The Double Redaction. Mayes, The Story, pp. Wolff ed. Kaiser Verlag, , pp. Introduction 19 second, among these text themes law, other nations and their idols connected them to a single author.
On the other hand, Smend was open to acceptance of some redactional activities after the work of DtrN but still belonging to the deuteronomistic circle. This concept was complemented by Dietrich in Kings with an idea of insertions which were later than DtrH but earlier than DtrN.
In these texts Dietrich saw a special theological emphasis on causality between the acts and the effects. A similar tripartite redaction model was applied in Samuel and Judges by Veijola. Through their work the idea of successive writers, each building on predecessor texts, has been widely recognized. Nomistic additions were no longer understood to be the work of a single editor but rather of a group of redactors who were working in succession to one another Smend,25 Veijola, 26 Wiirthwein Further, the so-called prophetic redactor DtrP was explained as being more like a collective circle Kreis of writers Wiirthwein.
Smend, Die Entstehung. Compare also the limitation made by Smend, Die Entstehung, p. Until now Veijola has used the DtrB sign only in Deuteronomy. Special interest was also paid by Wurthwein to those passages which were certainly later insertions but did not contain any deuteronomistic signs. Dating this material to the post-deuteronomistic period Wurthwein revived the ideas earlier expressed by Wellhausen and Kuenen. On similar grounds U. Becker30 has underlined efforts of the Priestly Writings-oriented editor who also belongs to the category of postdeuteronomistic writers.
Levin31 who introduced a new kind of paradigm which is a creative synthesis of the ideas of Kuenen, Noth and Zimmerli. Instead of redactions or redactional levels Levin speaks about smaller insertions or a continuing rewriting process Fortschreibung] where a huge number of additions can be noticed and sorted using relative chronology in one passage without any possibility of identifying them clearly enough for the creation of redactional layers through the DtrG. A corresponding approach is used by McKane33 in Jeremiah where he used the term 'rolling corpus' to describe the gradual growth of the texts.
Obviously, the vast majority of scholars agree about the heterogeneous or fragmentary character of the text in the Deuteronomistic History. Jahrhundert v. Clark, Introduction 21 or integrity of the text one should allow. In a similar way the distinction between redactional layers and an ongoing rewriting process seems to be methodologically an unsolved enigma at this moment. The history of the investigation with its variety of solutions challenges present work.
The main task of the writing process can be focused in the following questions. Is it possible to recognize and identify redactional activities among those texts which handle the anger of God? What is the best way of outlining the growth of the text: double or triple redaction versus ongoing writing process? Answers to these questions will open the way for the following level of work: dating the anger theme and identifying the of socio-cultural background.
Studies of the Anger of God A similar approach has not been used in earlier studies which concentrate on the theme of the anger of God in the Old Testament, and even among the shorter writings there is not a single article that pays attention to the anger theme using a diachronic approach. Some writings are certainly worth mentioning here. In P. Volz studied the demonic aspects of Yahweh showing that the concept of God in the Old Testament includes also its dark side.
According to Volz God can be described by using expressions like 'fear', 'cruelty', 'destructive', and so on. Such understanding grows from the texts where God without any clear reason attacks Moses Exod. Volz underlines that in these passages God's behaviour cannot be explained as a punishment for sins or a reminder of God's holiness, but they show the irrationality that belongs to the concept of God throughout the Old Testament, not only in the primitive phase of religion.
At about the same time R. Otto36 focused on the concept of God in his research about the Schwienhorst, Die Eroberung, pp. Both Volz and Otto carried in their texts the historical background of World War I which had in a very concrete way showed the demonic side of the world but also raised interest in transcendence and God's holiness. A short article written by H. Ringgren37 in the Festschrift of A. Weiser tried to prove that in ancient Israel there was a covenant festival which included oracles against foreign nations.
According to Ringgren God's anger played an important role in this cultic context. The entire structure was based, however, on such hypothetical assumptions about covenant festivals that it lost its meaning. Westermann too concentrated on prophetic literature, analysing the function of the anger of God an article in the Festschrift dedicated to H. Further, he underlined that the anger was timely and historically limited.
According to Westermann the anger of God is connected in prophetic literature with the major changes of history where God opens new doors in the life of the Israelites through his purifying judgment. Thus the anger becomes a synonym for judgment which has clear and not 'irrational' Volz grounds. The decisive point of view in the prophetic literature is that God's grace is superior to anger. The brief writing of D. McCarthy in memorial writings dedicated to J. Hyatt 39 should not be passed over, as, according to the title, it relates the anger theme to the Deuteronomistic History, and even more so, to its structure and unity.
His main thesis is that the Deuteronomistic History contains anger formulae which are basic Verhaltnis zum Rationalen Breslau: Trewendt und Granier, 9th edn, Kaiser eds. Jeremias and L. Perlitt eds. Wolff; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, , pp. Crenshaw and J.
Willis eds. Introduction 23 theological concepts and occur in a similar form throughout the work and also confirm the structural and literal unity of Deuteronomistic History: To sum up, we find that the wrath theme works in the formation of a wellknit structure in the deuteronomistic history. It is differentiated, not as haphazard collection, but as a meaningful, nuanced construction p. A positive attitude towards the 'double redaction' model appears only in one isolated sentence but unfortunately the idea of two successive redactions itself is not used for locating anger formulae to a specific redactor.
The form of the article gives the impression that the idea of double redaction was edited afterwards into the already-existing writing and for this reason the approach was not used in the main part of the analysis. The concept of God is analysed from various points of view in numerous studies which cannot be listed here and also most theological and exegetical dictionaries or encyclopaedias contain more or less basic information about the anger of God. Anger expressions are studied throughout the Old Testament, classified into human or divine categories and analysed stressing the following items It was only after this The following titles are, however, worth mentioning.
The articles about God's jealousy by H. Brill, Results are presented in the following way. The writer has organized the material into major categories where summaries of the investigation are given and the texts in which it has been difficult to locate any of the created categories are also studied more deeply. At the end of the book there are charts which give basic information about all the anger sayings. One of the major results is that the motivation of divine anger can be divided into two categories: 'Rebellion' against God or 'the oppression', 'cruelty by one human to another' Chart 2, pp.
Theologically, it has been discovered that justice and love play the dominant role both in the understanding of the function of divine anger and in the appropriateness of human anger. It has also been shown that this understanding was present in many genres of literature: proverbs, historical, narrative, prophetic announcement, hymns, laments, etc. The description of Yahweh's person, as One who contains the passion of anger, does not change ideologically from literary type to literary type p. The study raises several methodological questions. Even when the writer does not express his starting point explicitly the approach seems be synchronic, for example, neither the growing process of the text nor the differences between literary units have a special role in the analysis.
Even the fundamental and widely agreed results of Old Testament scholarship e. Therefore it is not surprising to find that this position chosen by the author finds its way directly in to the results: 'There appears to be no traditiohistorical development of the theological understanding of anger' p. The claim that in the theological core of the Old Testament it is not possible to notice any development through the centuries challenges the conventional paradigm so strongly that the claim should be proved with clear and convincing arguments. Moreover, the whole package of approaches related to the growing process of the text, to the writers and to their socio-historical backgrounds is replaced with the interest in 'Yahweh's person' or in God as 'highly personal arid profoundly interested in having relationships with humans' p.
The hidden agenda in Baloian's study seems to be the direct correspondence or even equivalence between the personal 1. Introduction 25 and permanent God and the Old Testament texts which reveal this God. Such an approach raises the expectations of the reader as to how the writer proves these results. On only a few occasions does Baloian's study contain detailed exegesis of the texts and instead of analysis it gives summaries and surveys based on classification and analysis of the texts.
Detailed exegesis which takes into consideration the basic results of literary criticism and traditio-historical investigation are ignored as well. The method of study means that the testing of argumentation is usually beyond the reader's ability: thus the reader does not have any tools to make his or her own judgments about the interpretation. It is hard to avoid the conclusion that the writer's preconceptions of the theme have also strongly affected the categorizing of the material as well as other decisions.
The present study will especially challenge Baloian's methodological premises related to the traditio-historical development in the concept of God. Textual Basis In the books of Joshua and Judges the anger of God is characterized through the following words: 'nostril, face, anger',42 pi. Used with human beings 42 times and with God times. The subject is always God Ps. This verb is used 44 times when an individual or a people is the subject and Yahweh is the object: Deut.
Twice it is a question of human relations 1 Sam. In qal only in Ezek. Appears in the Old Testament 28 times; Yahweh is the subject 17 times: Lev. The Task The history of the investigation with its variety of solutions challenges the present work. The main task relating to the writing process can be focused in the following questions. Is it possible to recognize and to identify redactional activities among those texts that handle the anger of God? If this can be agreed the following question is which model is the most appropriate to describe the growth of the text: double or triple redaction versus an ongoing writing process?
Answers to these questions will open the way for the following level Ps. Only twice is a human being the subject Eccl. Usually the subject is Yahweh: Num. Yahweh is the subject 41 times: Gen. The subject is always God, if Ps. The word appears 39 times in Old Testament: Exod. From the same root is also the form nil: Exod. In DtrG: Deut. In DtrG this word appears 5 times with Yahweh as the subject: Deut. Introduction 27 of work: dating of the anger theme and identification of its socio-cultural background.
In some cases also ideological-criticism can be used. This study will concentrate in the first part on the exegetical analysis of the texts of Joshua and Judges where the anger of God occurs, whereupon the perspective will be extended in the second part to Deuteronomy, deuteronomistic theology and Priestly Writings in relation to the anger theme.
Joshua Other Nations At the end of the book of Joshua ch. In Joshua 23 this story of conquest is complemented with the threat posed by the existence of remaining nations which would lead the Israelites to be mixed with them and serve their gods. The final outcome of this negative process would mean the destruction of the Israelites, an actualization of the anger of God The basic story DtrH in the book of Joshua does not need such a double ending and is, moreover, based on an idea of total conquest of the land.
In Josh. The additions end with the Wiederaufnahme 'resumptive repetition' ; about technique see W. A different hand, law-oriented writer DtrN, used the same method, Wiederaufnahme repetition of 'be strong and courageous' , to add v. Verses , which were added also using the Wiederaufnahme technique repetition of 'wherever you go' , already belong to the period of late postexilic Judaism like Pss.
Late vv. See also the analysis of Josh. Compare Smend, 'Das Gesetz', pp. Analyses of the Texts in Joshua and Judges 29 programme of the totally fulfilled conquest belongs without any doubt to the core of DtrH. Structural Observations The above comparison to DtrH texts clarifies the different profile of ch.
Thus ch. He is not only mechanically copying older texts but reinterpreting them, working with the older material but developing it with new ideas. There are, however, no reasons why we should not locate the writer in the same theological stream as DtrH, that is, the deuteronomistic school. Most scholars have identified ch. The introduction in vv. Joshua has allotted the remaining nations—not the land as in Verse 2. Mohr, rev. The close link between chs. See the analysis below on Josh.
Smend, 'Das Gesetz', pp. Against Nelson, The Double Redaction, pp. Also this has a negative follow-up in vv. The chapter is structured in its present shape with alternating promises and warnings: 1. Introduction vv. Historical prologue vv. Promise v. Conditional promise and warning vv. Reminder and promise of victory vv. New conditional warning vv. Confirming of the promise v. Confirming of the warning and its argumentation vv. And this unity goes back beyond the Hittite examples into the third millennium. Everywhere the basic elements are the same: the provisions are imposed under oath and placed under the sanction variably made more vivid through the curses which represent and effect the dreadful fate of an eventual transgressor.
Hence the essential elements of form: stipulations, the god lists or invocations, and the curse formulae which are invariably found in the treaties from Eannatum of Lagash to Ashurbanipal of Assyria. Parpola and K. Watanabe eds. For reviewing the history of research see E. Analyses of the Texts in Joshua and Judges 31 Combinations of blessings and curses is a well-known pattern in the Old Testament. Especially Deuteronomy 28 and Leviticus 26 should be mentioned in this connection, both probably having connections with the covenant structures, although it is not possible to show direct dependence between the Old Testament and specific treaty text.
Clearly it would be an exaggeration to claim that Joshua 23 imitates the treaty patterns but, on the other hand, the basic structure of the chapter echoes slightly the most important units of the treaties: historical introduction, treaty stipulations and curses. A major difference to the treaties is the alternating form where promises and warnings follow one after another. This can be proved by analysing the text carefully. Clear tensions in the content especially, as well as repetitions and other disturbances of the coherence of the text are indicators of redactional activities.
The relation of vv. Verse 5 is a promise of future victories, v. When we remember that earlier in v. Actually there is a totally different attitude towards the remaining nations in vv. A similar remark can be made about the relation with God: the trust in God's promises is replaced with the strict observation of the written Mosaic law codex, that means, Deuteronomy.
See also T. The expression occurs four times in the Old Testament all others late : Josh. The basic text in ch. As in the past 'no one has been able to withstand you', so will it also happen in the future when all enemies will be beaten. In vv. Obviously in vv. The last quotation from vv. In these verses there is a clear and coherent message about the work of Yahweh in the past and a promise of a good future without any 'buts' and doubts.
The basic text is still supplemented in vv. According to the earlier literary-critical solutions these can be assumed to be a later insertion too. Such a claim is strongly supported with formal observations like the clumsy opening in v. In the latter half of v. In the Septuagint v. See above n. Analyses of the Texts in Joshua and Judges 33 which can be explained in several ways. Modern commentaries have ignored this information Noth; Fritz ,10 or have just explained it as a textual error caused by a haplography Doling " or just given priority to the Hebrew text Butler. The later writer perhaps did not notice the distinction between the words.
Even when we cannot be quite sure about the value of Septuagintal evidence its priority can be agreed with minor hesitation. Thus the logical consequence is to locate v. As a result of the above analysis the following relative chronology of the growing process can be presented. The basic text contained vv. From Good Promises to the Anger of God Joshua 23 in its present context offers an extremely good illustration of divergent attitudes towards the land. In the earliest level of the texts DtrH especially in Josh. The land is given by Yahweh, and this has already happened during the conquest which led also to the extermination of the enemy Josh.
The basic text layer in ch. Noth, Das Buck Josua; V. Butler, Joshua, p. Already S. Recently also E. The asterisk indicates the earliest version of the chapter, which is not, however, explicated. Yahweh 'had given rest to Israel from all their enemies all around' but not total freedom from them and they still exist. Inheritance does not point to the land but to the remaining nations which Yahweh will drive out as he did to other nations earlier.
The basic text in Joshua 23 is literarily dependent on It is, however, impossible to find any sign of the prophetic editor DtrP in the basic layer of Joshua This optimistic scene is turned upside down in the second text layer in ch. On the other hand, if Israelites do this and transgress the covenant 18 they will be 'destroyed from this good land'. Actually these themes were the fundamental arguments in the article of R.
Smend which led him to reconstruct the nomistic redactional text layer DtrN. Now this identification can be agreed upon but not, however, for the whole chapter as Smend thought—just for the second text layer. Verse 16b could also belong to the same theological school, although representing a later stage of the process. On the other hand, the possibility of just putting together well-known theological phrases leaves the time span rather open because it was not a complicated Compare also Jer. Mostly DtrN or late dtr.
In relation to the national activity, otherwise in the Old Testament only in Deut. In relation to the individual, Gen. See also 1 Sam. For later development of the issue see Ezra 9. Analyses of the Texts in Joshua and Judges 35 matter to imitate deuteronomistic language. The absence of the text in the Septuagint refers already to the post-deuteronomistic period. The discussion above about structural observations leads to the question about the origin of covenant elements.
At this moment it is possible to notice that they did not belong to the original shape of the chapter but were introduced through the secondary insertions. Anyhow it might be possible that the existence of covenant patterns affected the writer, perhaps unintentionally.
Even when the DtrNwriter is using and applying the language of the Neo-Assyrian or other ancient treaties the aim is to give a theological form of expression to the experience of the people in the frames of political language. The explicit reference to the exile in the DtrN-layer shows clearly to which period these verses belong.
The DtrN-group interpreted the destruction of Jerusalem and the deportation of Judaean people to Babylonia as a sign of God's will and judgment, caused by their forgetting the law of God, joining and intermarrying other nations and serving other gods. Basically all these point to the same question, namely, breaking the first commandment of the Decalogue. In the latest phase of the textual and theological development of ch. It symbolizes the end of the process: total breakdown of the relationship between Yahweh and Israel.
Deuteronomistic theology is not the only context in the Old Testament where the notion of anger is used to describe God. A similar approach is well known also in Lamentations where the exile is interpreted as God's self-revelation and labelled frequently with the expression related to the anger of God Lam.
Thus the anger of God has been used as a tool of theological self-reflection during and after the exile among the Israelites. Certain care must be used in interpreting Josh. But even if it were only an isolated insertion the anger theme represents the crystallization of a long process that has reflected the history and experiences of Israelites during the exile.
The anger of God, a well-known concept of the ancient Orient, has absorbed different historical, ideological and theological notions 36 God, Anger and Ideology from the period of national crises. This still partly hypothetical result will be illustrated in more detail in the following analysis. Judges 2: Other Gods After the success story in Joshua, which was only slightly overshadowed by some potential threats, Judges 2 turns the view upside down by expressing in practical terms how the Israelites lost every battle because 'the hand of the Lord was against them to bring misfortune'.
The essential part of the plot is the anger of God which was provoked by the Israelites vv. Chapter 2 has traditionally had a strong position in the interpretation of the book of Judges for it works like an introduction or programme for the following stories. The original literary context for Judges 2 was the end of the book of Joshua The beginning of the new era is related to the change of the generation because those who grew up after their ancestors 'did not know the Lord or the work that he had done for Israel'.
It has been obvious to the scholars during this century that vv. A loose frame for most of the proposals has been an idea about the basic text DtrH supplemented with later dtr-insertions. In a similar way the opponents of Israel are called 'plunderers' in vv. These double expressions do not bring any additional information into the text but are more likely to be signs of the literary working process.
Smend, 'Das Gesetz', p. Analyses of the Texts in Joshua and Judges 37 Among the thorny problems in ch. Since the turn of the century scholars have agreed that v. In the following figure, insertions are indented and the literary loans expressed with arrows. The function of the insertion is obvious when the role of the judges in v. Verses 16a and 18a 3b give the role of warrior or hero to judges, but v. There is no doubt about the writer who made the insertion in vv.
In a similar way there is no reason to deny the assumption that the framing verses which describe the judges as political persons would not belong to DtrH. Verses make the supplemented theme even more evident. Because the Israelites have broken the covenant, followed other gods and bowed down to them the anger of Yahweh was kindled against Israel, and as a final punishment Yahweh cancelled his promise to drive out the remaining nations before the Israelites.
Also here the hand of DtrN can easily be recognized. On the basis of its different style, theological viewpoint and grammatical form, v. Richter, Die Bearbeitung, p. Even if it might be difficult to be precise about the difference it seems to be the best solution to interpret 'enemies' as foreign attackers from abroad, while 'plunderers' can be foreigners but still living in the same country. The latter idea occurs in the texts belonging to DtrN.
According to this solution and earlier analysis v. Third, in the content and vocabulary of vv. Within vv. The function becomes obvious when we notice that the insertion is a quotation from Deut. Becker, Richterzeit, pp. Analyses of the Texts in Joshua and Judges 39 The description of the reverse events in v. The quotation from Deuteronomy, just a couple of passages after the Decalogue, also verifies the accusation of breaking the covenant in v. After literary-critical analysis of the text it is possible to reconstruct the following formation process.
The basic text 2. A large additional literary layer belongs to the later deuteronomistic circle DtrN which contains at least two different strata because there is a nomistic insertion inside the DtrN text. Verses 2. Finally, vv. A primary concern of DtrH is to describe national history from the viewpoint of the relationship between Yahweh and the people. Even when the earliest text layer does not use the common deuteronomistic vocabulary and might be called thin or weak in theological articulation it is only an optical illusion. Actually DtrH has a clear and distinctive theological plot but it is hidden or expressed implicitly through the historical plot.
Every new generation has to face the reality that all the good things that Yahweh had given them can be lost. Whenever the knowledge about 'Yahweh or the work that he had done for Israel' disappears among the Israelites Yahweh will actively 'bring misfortune', but also in a day of oppression 'be moved to pity' and save To DtrH belong vv.
Verses are a still later insertion. In other words, the experience of the Exodus generation is put in a nutshell. Although DtrH shows that the Israelites are completely dependent on Yahweh and that the historical crises are caused by the Israelites' lack of memory about the real basis of their existence, he does not even mention idolatry or God's anger.
These elements do not appear until the texts of the DtrN-group. The rather low theological profile in the first text layer opened the way for later supplements to reflect the historical plot in explicit theological terms. The severe state of the nation exists also in the DtrN circle but attention is paid to the reasons for 'the great distress', or to be more precise, the exile. Even when the word 'exile' is not mentioned in Judges 2 it is obviously the historical context from which the argumentation grows. Additionally, explicit references to the exile appear in the DtrN texts in Joshua The theology of anger rises from the soil of the exile and from the hard experiences of the Israelite people.
The DtrN circle strives, however, to give theological grounds for the national disaster, pointing out that the final reason lies in the bad behaviour of Israel, that is, abandoning Yahweh and worshipping other gods provoked Yahweh's anger to kindle! Thus the anger theology of DtrN sounds strongly relational: anger is Yahweh's reaction towards Israel's choice to abandon Yahweh and turn to other gods.
Such a constellation is reminiscent of the marital case of adultery, where the husband's reaction is described with the word jealousy , a term also used in deuteronomistic texts e. Using similar ideas DtrN makes Yahweh react like a betrayed oriental husband because Israel has broken the relationship. Another metaphor close to the previous one comes from oriental vassal treaties.
As in Joshua 23 the term 'covenant' v. Beyond this deeply affective and anthropomorphic language lies the profound theological core: according to the deuteronomistic concept the identity of Israelite religion is compressed into the form of the first commandment in the Decalogue. In deuteronomistic theology it has the central position for defining the essence of faith. Yahweh, who 2. Analyses of the Texts in Joshua and Judges 41 had brought Israel from Egypt and given the land to Israel, required absolute devotion without any exceptions.
It is not surprising to notice that such hardline ideologies blossom during the extremely difficult period when the existence of the nation as well as the meaning of traditional beliefs and creeds was threatened. However, the logic of deuteronomistic theology, especially DtrN, is impossible to understand fully without recognizing its fundamental motive: the idea that God is the ultimate guarantor for the realization of justice.
This concept was connected with the difficult experiences of Israel during the exile by using the anger of God as a link with other ideas. Deuteronomistic anger theology is like a junction of three roads: experiences of life, belief in justice happening on earth25 and a monotheistic concept about God as final actor in the nations' history. According to this logic the exile was explained as the result of Israel's transgressions. Because they had not worshipped only Yahweh but other gods as well—obviously a historical fact—Yahweh punished them by using Babylonia as a whip.
Anyhow the last word in the sermon of the deuteronomistic theologians was not about punishment but about national salvation through dogmatic reformation based on strict monotheistic faith without any room for other gods or goddesses. A few lines, especially the diagonals in central area of drapery, have apparently been reinforced - they show as brown on the verso but as black, after later? The same model seems to appear in Benesch and , and possibly also in Benesch Condition: generally good, apart from the reinforcements.
They could have been carried out by the mounter who added the framing-lines; a little grubby here and there. Steven Platzman of Addison Fine Arts. Benesch Subject: Seated Old Man, three-quarter length, turned to right Verso: Partly stuck down when inspected but seems blank. Medium: Red chalk on pale brownish light-stained paper. The paper appears pale brown, and the red chalk is paler by the figure's left hand and right shoulder; there also seem to have been some indented lines made before the chalk was applied and visible near the left elbow; ruled framing lines in graphite on three sides and in red chalk below and, less clearly, to right.
The signature is acceptable though somewhat odd, a because it does not read 'RHL', as would be expected at this date, b because of the unusual line between the first descending loop of the 'R' and the final tail to the right which might, however, be expected if the monogram were to be read as 'RHL' and c because of the unfamiliar way the zero is attached to the '3'. Even were the signature proven to be false, which I believe very unlikely, the attribution of the drawing would not be in doubt, given the persuasive stylistic connections with Benesch , , and The model appears in a number of drawings of around the same period, including in all probability Benesch , , , and perhaps Benesch , and Among the paintings and etchings, too, the same model seems to appear, for example in the painting of Jeremiah of Amsterdam, Bredius , Corpus A28 and in the etched Bust of an old man with a flowing beard, also of Bartsch ; but such identifications must necessarily be somewhat tentative, as in many of these works the intention was not to produce an accurate depiction of the model, like a sitter in a portrait.
Cambridge, , no. Washington, Strokes of Genius ; Paris, , p. Heseltine; his sale, Amsterdam, Muller, 27 May, , lot 5; H. Rosenwald , by whom presented to the present repository, with a life interest. Medium: Red chalk, partly rubbed with the finger in the shadows, and touched with black chalk in the hair and neck ; ruled framing-lines in pen and dark brown ink. Inscribed top right in pen and brown ink: '' and lower right in graphite: '' and in pen and brown ink: '.
Chain lines 26v. Mat: modern, but there is a remnant of an older mat with a thin gold strip. It is not, however, a direct preliminary study, as the head in the etching is viewed more frontally; the composition is also curtailed, omitting the hands and much of the arms. Nevertheless, the two works could have been made at the same or almost the same sitting, and the date of is therefore acceptable. For the model, see under Benesch 16 and The purpose of the drawing was as a character study, useful for historical and mythological subjects, rather than as a portrait. Condition: good, though slightly rubbed.
A few green spots. Leningrad, ; Exh. Washington-Fort Worth-San Francisco, , no. Benesch Subject: Bust of a Bearded Old Man Verso: Laid down Medium: Red and black chalk, heightened with white now much oxidised on paper prepared pale yellow x Benesch , for example , yet overall the impression is closer to Rembrandt, with his firmer grip on the modelling and overall structure.
The model resembles that in numerous works of c. The pose is also close to the etching, Bartsch , of , confirming the likely date. The model particularly resembles that in two paintings, the St Paul in meditation of c. Paris, I, no. Benesch Subject: Seated Old Man Medium: Red chalk, touched with black chalk; ruled framing-line in pen and brown ink. Signed in monogram and dated in red chalk, lower centre: 'RHL ' [slightly trimmed below]; inscribed verso, in red chalk, upper centre: '2-' and upper right: ''; in graphite lower left: 'P' and lower centre 'O 66' the inventory number.
It belong to the series discussed under Benesch q. The drawings of in the series are generally drawn with a more tonal approach than here - the hatching in the drapery of Benesch 40 harks back to the black chalk figure studies of c. Whether, like Benesch , Rembrandt could have had the old testament figure of Jacob in mind is uncertain, but as in that drawing, the 'listening' expression of the model would have been appropriate to the subject.
The use of some black chalk retouches to pick out and clarify some details is common to many of these drawings. The model most resembles that in Benesch and , and the same chair appears in all three drawings. Haarlem, , no. Amsterdam-Washington, , no. New York-Chicago, , no. Benesch Subject: Seated Old Man with Clasped Hands, full-length, turned to left Medium: Red chalk with black chalk on yellowish paper see Benesch , the outlines and partly the shadow to right indented for transfer to the copper plate; ruled framing-lines in pen and dark brown ink.
Inscribed verso in pen and brown ink by Cornelis Ploos van Amstel? Watermark: Eagle with Basel staff cf. Hinterding, , p. Its documentary status derives from its being partly indented for transfer to the copper plate for the etching, Bartsch , of c. In this relationship the connection is uncomplicated, although it could be that the copper plate was originally larger and intended to accommodate the whole figure. However, the connections with other works by or attributed to Rembrandt of the period are less easily explained.
First, the figure appears with little change - just a slight adjustment to the angle of the head - in the painting in the Louvre of an Old man in an interior with a winding staircase, of c. The painting is now usually rejected as a school work, although in the present writer's opinion it could be autograph, begun in the late Leiden years, c.
The interior in the painting includes a table to the left with books, which can also be made out in the drawing, so that even if the painting is the work of a pupil, the drawing was clearly referred to and it must have been drawn with a similar figure in view possibly on a larger scale, however.
There are also looser connections with the Nuremberg painting of St Paul of c. More contemporaneous with Benesch 41, but yet more distant from the drawing, is the painting of the Penitent St Peter in prison of in a private collection Bredius , Corpus A Here the figure kneels and the trajectory of his arms and the disposition of his weight is accordingly different.
Finally, mention has been made of Benesch 82, for which possibly the same model was used. Rotterdam-Amsterdam, , under no. C51 c. Berlin-Amsterdam-London, , I, p. Melbourne-Canberra, , pp. Berlin, , under no. For a discussion of the model, see under no. Medium: Red chalk, touched on recto only with black chalk. Inscribed verso in graphite top left: 'HH ' and in the centre: '2' in a circle.
Of the drawings in the group with which it has usually associated Benesch , , , it may be the earliest: the more precise delineation, in the hair, for instance, comes close to Benesch of c. In addition, the trailing lines in the right background echo those in Benesch The now often accepted attribution to Jan Lievens, whose drawings are never so precise, becomes in my view unsustainable if the drawing is studied alongside Lievens' monogrammed and therefore unimpeachable Head of a young man, now in the British Museum, a work of the same date, type, scale and medium.
Comparative photographs of this drawing including a detail are therefore included here and hopefully they will scotch the Lievens attribution, as the contrast in styles is insuperably great. The Washington drawing, on the recto, exhibits an extraordinary control of detail and light note the lighter wisps of hair at the front and the heavier ones at the back of the cranium , a persuasive comprehension of form, a sense of proportion, a robust strength in the mise-en-page and a variety of touch, from the most delicate touches in the hair to the confident, powerful zig-zag flicks of chalk in the fur collar compare the collar in Benesch 40 that are clearly far removed in character from Lievens and yet typical of Rembrandt.
Equally characteristic are the scalloped outlines in the shadowed edge of the white collar and in the profile of the chest. It is, however, possible that the drawing was originally made in c. As for the verso, it has a solid, sculptural quality that distinguishes it from Lievens' more flaccid, 'impressionistic' modelling at this period, again exhibited in the British Museum drawing illustrated and again in Benesch 16, which as already mentioned is now usually attributed to Lievens.
The verso may be compared with several passages in Rembrandt's early paintings, which display an interest in deep grooves of shadow in the drapery that matches any such instincts detectable in Lievens' work at this period cf. Worcester USA , , no. San Francisco, cat. Lievens, ; Exh.
- Joshua, Act 1, Nos. 6b "But who is He?" Sheet Music by George Frideric Handel!
- Navigation menu?
- The Investment Survival Guide the opportunities never stop;
- Rahab the Faithful Servant.
Lievens, c. Rosenwald; presented by his widow to the present repository. It is generally dated c. The fact that the drawing shows a profile, which Lievens adopted for head studies etched as well as drawn more regularly than Rembrandt, seems a poor reason for attributing the drawing to him. The drawing bears a date, , based on that on Benesch 37, but the initial R seems to have been tampered with to make it resemble a monogram by Rembrandt. Benesch Subject: Beggar in a High Cap, full-length, walking to left Medium: Black chalk, with a touch of white in the cap. Ruled framing-lines in black chalk.
Inscribed verso in graphite 'Hausmann '; 'Inv. Upper right corner made up. Compare also for style Benesch and The date cannot be far from the documentary sheet, Benesch , of c. The especially dark colour of the chalk, with its somewhat crumbled-looking outlines which lend the drawing a softer aspect than Rembrandt's other drawings of this period, suggests that Rembrandt, unusually for his Leiden years, may possibly have employed charcoal rather than black chalk. Benesch Subject: An Elderly Polish Man, standing Medium: Black chalk; inscribed in pen and brown ink, lower left: 'R'; inscribed verso, in pen and brown ink, top right: ''.
Mat: modern mount only but see under Condition below. He noted that it appears to be the first of Rembrandt's depictions of Polish types followed e. In style it belongs with Benesch as well as and The links, especially with the former, suggest a date around cf. Condition: somewhat yellowish discolouration; a horizontal crease, centre; some foxing; a small blue tab remains at the corner of the verso from an older backing. Lasquin, 23 May, , Rembrandt, Vieil homme debout, sold for 9, fr. Wendland, Lugano; A. Drey, Munich; Mrs M. Drey, London, from whom acquired by the present owners, Watermark: none, but paper of same type as dove in circle, similar to Benesch , , , and - see under Benesch The paper see under watermark above helps to confirm the date.
The figure is sometimes described as an actor, which is possible, although this would have been from before the construction of the Van Campen theatre Schouwburg in Inscribed in pen and brown ink, lower right: 'R' x The annotation 'R' resembles that on Benesch and C15, repr. Grollemund; c. Benesch Subject: Sheet of Figure Studies with a Seated Beggar Medium: Pen and tip of the brush in brown ink; ruled framing-lines in darker brown ink.
Most of these are usually dated during the early s, and Benesch 47 may be slightly earlier, c. Condition: faded and foxed. Budapest, , no. Garff's tentative attribution, made verbally in , to Van den Eeckhout, following Sumowski, ; [Not in Schatborn, ]. Esterhazy , Vienna L. Iron-gall ink of the type used here was only employed by Rembrandt in the late s, whereas this drawing reflects Rembrandt's Leiden period in style, as Benesch recognised.
The model also resembles one used by Rembrandt during the Leiden period and discussed under Benesch perhaps the best comparisons for the present sheet are with Benesch , , and and it therefore seems likely that Flinck based the drawing, perhaps loosely, on one by Rembrandt. Rembrandt's early paintings and etchings also reveal his interest in oriental, turbaned figures, like the one sketched to the left in Benesch A1 , Rembrandt's earliest known painting, a horseman depicted in profile on the left resembles his counterpart in the drawing in many respects, albeit with a fuller beard in the oil.
Several other paintings, prints and drawings of the Leiden period attest to Rembrandt's interest, from the first, in Asian costumes and other exotic accessories. Nonetheless, as stated above, the connections between the main model in the present sheet and Rembrandt's works of the Leiden period are insufficient to support the traditional attribution, on account of the style and medium of the drawing. Among Rembrandt's documentary sheets, perhaps the closest is the drawing in the J. Perhaps closer is the drawing in the British Museum of a Man Leaning Over a Table Benesch , but here again the sense of form, the tempo of the shading and the quality of the penwork diverge from the present sheet.
In all respects, the style seems closer to the work of the young Govert Flinck, as seen in Benesch 2 q. Condition: the acidic action of the iron-gall ink has damaged the drawing. KP Gay collection ; Bauch , pp. Rembrandt; c. Lievens" or the mark of J. Benesch Subject: Seated Old Man in a High Cap, full-length, profile to right Medium: Pen and brown ink, with brown and grey wash, on pale brown paper; ruled framing-lines in pen and dark brown ink. Inscribed in pen and brown ink, lower right: 'R'.
Benesch , which perhaps provides the closest analogies as well as a foothold for the date, c. The attribution to Rembrandt is by no means straightforward, despite the sheer quality of the profile and the remarkable knitting together of the line running from the top of the hat down over the shoulders, cascading into tributaries of ink below the arm.
The contrast with the delicacy of the fine lines drawn, for example, near the shoulders is extreme. Yet as with Benesch , there are no straightforward connections with any of the documentary drawings. The pose and characterisation have rightly been compared with Rembrandt's early depictions of Tobit from onwards, yet there are analogies, too, with the seated figure in profile who appears in two of the preparatory studies for the Judas returning the thirty pieces of silver', Benesch towards the left and Benesch verso.
The latter drawing also provides the closest analogies for the wash. The stylistic and formal connections noted above make a date c. Amsterdam, , ex. Berlin-Amsterdam, Paris-Haarlem, , p. Heseltine L. I and Exh. Paris-Haarlem, , points to analogies of style with Rembrandt's teacher, Pieter Lastman, especially as seen in the latter's drawing of King Cyrus returning the silver to the temple in Berlin of c. He therefore dates the drawing earlier than here, to c. Medium: Pen and brown ink with grey wash, on off-white paper; ruled framing-lines in pen and brown ink; inscribed by a later hand in pen and brown ink of a slightly warmer hue , lower left: 'Rembrandt f' and upper left with Robinson's mark L.
Top right corner repaired with a new patch. Like Benesch , the drawing almost convinces merely by dint of its sheer quality. But the analogies with other drawings by Rembrandt, and with his etchings, are not wholly persuasive and doubts remain. There are no close comparisons to be made with any of the documentary drawings by Rembrandt, but there are links with others, especially with Benesch A and the verso of Benesch , that provide sufficient reasons for upholding the attribution. The shape of the tip of the nose is characteristic of Rembrandt and is encountered, for example, in the etched Sheet of Studies of Men's Heads, Bartsch Paul Getty Museum of Two studies of the head of an old man, c.
Benesch Subject: A Foot Operation the Sense of Touch Verso: Inscriptions only see below Medium: Pen and dark brown ink with grey wash and white heightening; a few outlines apparently reworked in graphite, as if the drawing were purposefully partly indented by this process; freehand framing-lines in pen and brown ink above and below only. NB the centre inscriptions are on an old reinforcing added strip; also in graphite on an added strip, left of centre and above the other strip: 'Adriano Brauwer '. Watermark: lily in crowned shield with WR below similar to Piccard online no.
The mat is modern but there are remnants of an old blue backing-paper. However, the face of the grimacing victim resembles Rembrandt's own, but apparently at a significantly later date than in the Self-portrait drawings of around , Benesch , so on this basis any idea that the drawing is by the young Rembrandt in Leiden falls aside: stylistically it would have to be of approximately the same date or earlier, c. The elaborately worked up background in grey wash is also uncharacteristic of Rembrandt, though it has been pointed out that the writhing figure of the victim resembles Samson in Rembrandt's painting, now in Frankfurt, of the Blinding of Samson Bredius , Corpus A , so that the drawing could date from the mids.
The Lievens attribution, although plausible on grounds of style, is equally vulnerable to the above arguments, as it would again have to date from the s, yet the portrayal of Rembrandt seems to hail from the mids. In addition, the background is markedly different from Lievens' other works of the Leiden period, so that doubts about the Lievens attribution must also remain.
The lack of pentimenti and the 'ready-made' appearance of the background suggest that the drawing may be based on a lost painting - a number of sheets of this type, copying Rembrandt paintings, are known, and have been attributed to Ferdinand Bol and other pupils. An unsigned painting of the composition, attributed to Van Vliet, is in the Lakenhal Museum in Leiden.
There is another painted version of the subject, but with important differences, in a private collection, now usually ascribed to the circle of Lievens, although in my view an attribution to Rembrandt in c. Racker' in the 'Disegni originale d'eccellenti pittori esistenti nella Galleria Reale di Firenze, ecc,. Condition: worn, discoloured and repaired see inscriptions above ; some oil stains; a tear, lower right, bottom edge unrepaired ; incipient, repaired tears elsewhere; frayed at or near corners and near edges.
Summary attribution: After Rembrandt Jan Lievens? Barocchi, , p. Monaci, , p. A penna, e acquerello' ; ibid. Brouwer ; Ferri, , p. V manner of Lievens ; Schneider, , p. Rembrandt ; Van Gelder, , pp. Rome-Florence, , p. Florence, , no. C1, p. Florence-Paris, , no. Lievens ; Exh. Washington-Milwaukee-Amsterdam, —9, p. Florence-Paris, , p. The watermark information above is taken from this catalogue.
Similar marks were employed for much of the first half of the 17th century. Compare also Laurentius , with dates from ; perhaps the closest are their nos and The latter dates the painting, which bears traces of Van Vliet's signature, to or later, but it must be based on a prototype of the mid-to-late s. Certainly the attribution to Van Vliet receives no support from his drawing in Basel of Three standing men repr.
The attribution to Rembrandt is now generally accepted and the paintings placed c. Kassel-Amsterdam, , nos. That the drawing was intended to represent the sense of touch is also noted by Middelkoop in Exh. Paris-Florence, see literature above. The old attribution to Backer is especially intriguing because it is so unusual; that to Brouwer seems wide of the mark and a commonplace association for a genre scene displaying extremes of emotional stress.
Medium: Tip of the brush in brown and brown wash; a few preliminary touches in pen and brown ink but only in the area of the woman's head and raised hand. A trial in pen and brown ink towards upper left. No watermark; chain lines 22h; laid lines regular and fine, c. Paper almost pale brown but not as dark a tone as the iron-gall drawings.
COMMENTS: The drawing is exceptional for Rembrandt, and therefore difficult to judge, and it seems particularly misplaced in Benesch's volume I; but although doubted or generally ignored by scholars, several comparisons persuasively support the attribution. First, the woman appears to be Titia van Uylenburgh, represented in the celebrated portrait drawing of Benesch ; the costume she wears could also belong to this period. Thirdly, and perhaps most crucially, the darkly silhouetted figure on the right may be compared with the corrected figures at the bottom of the touched proof of the first state of the etching, Christ before Pilate Bartsch 77 in the British Museum repr.
An image of the detail is included here and the two works are remarkably similar. Finally, the background wash and the use of the tip of the brush to enhance the modelling are characteristic of a number of other drawings of c. The paper resembles the type used in Rembrandt's iron-gall ink drawings of c. Nonetheless, the drawing remains an unusual one in Rembrandt's oeuvre before the late s, especially with regard to the technique in almost pure brush.
Yet the result can only be described as remarkable, an exceptionally bold drawing that anticipates works of the nineteenth or even the twentieth century to an extraordinary degree. The title, the Reading, may be wrong, not least because the silhouetted figure on the right appears to be holding a lute or some similar musical instrument in front of the book or score from which he is playing.
Benesch Subject: Self-Portrait with Mouth Open Verso: Tracing of profile of the head on the recto in black chalk not by Rembrandt Medium: Pen and brown ink with grey wash; ruled framing-lines in the same brown ink. Ottley, in pen and brown ink: 'no. This does not denote that he owned the drawing, but was written as part of the inventory of the British Museum's collection during his time as Keeper of the Department of Prints and Drawings, Watermark: fragment of a Basilisk or an armorial mark - not the same mark as on Benesch 54 the drawing discussed below ; chain lines horizontal, 25mm apart.
The only question is the date, but the relationship with no. See also no. The combination of pen and brown ink with grey wash is also found in the documentary drawing, Benesch of c. The thin, curling lines in pen and brown ink are comparable to two other drawings in the British Museum Benesch amd , again suggesting a date c. Over the delicate work in ink the grey wash is applied more boldly, elaborating the delineation of the hair, shading the face and extending the figure below to include the bust.
The related 'Self-Portrait' in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam Benesch , in which the torso is turned to the left, is comparable in size, style and technique. The head is smaller, and, with the tip of the brush in grey, Rembrandt added some zigzag shading behind the figure. In composition these drawings are indirectly related to some of Rembrandt's self-portrait etchings of c. In the latter, the figure's mouth is only slightly open, and he wears a metal gorget and appears less dishevelled.
The only self-portraits in oils of the Leiden period in which the artist is portrayed, as here, with his mouth open, are those in Munich, already mentioned, and Indianapolis Corpus A22, copy 1 [now regarded as the original version, rather than that in Japan] of c. The number and informality of most of the early self-portraits also relate them to many other painted, drawn and etched busts or 'tronies' of the Leiden period, most of which are not self-portraits.
Some of these images, including Benesch and , may have been made as exercises in facial expression and as models for Rembrandt's pupils rather than as independent works for the art market. This latter effect is found in paintings of the same period by the Utrecht Caravaggists. XIV c. Amsterdam-Rotterdam, , p. I ; Clark, , repr. Berlin-Amsterdam-London, I, pp. London-The Hague, , no. Nuremberg, , p. Nuremberg, and Corpus, IV, , p. It is there surmised that this was the main purpose and focus of the drawing, but the consideration given to other details such as the eye in shadow should not be overlooked.
London-The Hague, , nos. One other that comes in contention is Benesch Marseille. The drawing is difficult to date but looks to be mid-seventeenth century as does the paper. Benesch Subject: Self-Portrait Medium: Pen and brown ink with grey wash; ruled framing-lines in pen and brown ink comparable in tone to the ink of the drawing. Watermark: top section of a crown, comparable to Churchill and Heawood ; chain lines h. However, the use of dots of ink in the face is reminiscent of Reminiscent of Rembrandt's earliest drawings, such as the Two studies of the head of an old man in the J.
Rather than with a momentary expression as in Benesch 53, the artist here represents himself with a less fleeting, more reflective demeanour, which comes close to the etched Self-Portrait of c. Condition: slightly darkened and spotted. A backing paper mentioned in the auction has been removed. Amsterdam, according to Benesch only ; Exh. Berne, , no. IV ; Van Gelder, , I, p. Basel, , no. A19; Wright, , p. Boston-Chicago, , pp. See Malibu, , no. On the other hand Benesch thought that the present drawing was later c.
Mendelssohn Bartholdy among the previous owners of the drawing, instead lists the name 'Kann'. The provenance given above follows Amsterdam, , no. The British Museum records 'E. Kann' as the vendor in of one drawing by Jost Amman , Inscribed lower left: 'Rembrandt'; the page has some letterpress, upper right corner: ''inentUal' [?
But the slashes of wash, repeatedly in the same direction, look to have been made by Rembrandt at a later moment, possibly in the mid-to-late s cf. Benesch a and There seem to be no clear grounds for attributing the drawing to Gerrit Dou, as has been attempted. Leiden, Verso: red chalk only. Upper corners rounded. The three, almost doodled heads at either side of the recto, covered presumably by Rembrandt himself with wash, are curious that on the right seems to be of the same sitter; that on the left could represent a woman in a cap , as is the slackly drawn body.
The question arises as to whether the drawing was made from around the time of the sitter's death in , as has been proposed, or earlier and from life.
General Directory for Catechesis
In the compiler's view the style speaks for a date from before As well as Lastman in the verso, the recto betrays similarities with drawings by Lievens in the careful shading of the face, which may be compared with Lievens' Christ in the Garden of Gethsemane, now in Dresden of c. Little is known of Rembrandt's father; he was a prosperous miller and at Rembrandt's mother's death she left an estate valued at almost 10, guilders. As mentioned abpve its sparing delineation is reminiscent of Lastman's style, which helps bolster the early date proposed here.
II; Bauch, , p. London, Berlin-Amsterdam-London, , p. Boston, , p. Kyoto-Frankfurt, , p. Amsterdam-London, , under no. See Exh. Boston, , no. Benesch Subject: Self-Portrait in a Soft Hat the head etched Verso: see inscriptions Medium: Etching, completed in black chalk and touched in pen and brown ink; at top only, the remnants of a ruled framing-line in graphite. However, the dating of the black chalk is problematic, and some readers may prefer to read the summarised opinion at the end of this commentary.
Some comparative illustrations have been included. The etching is the unique impression of the unfinished 2nd state of the print, the Self-Portrait in a soft hat and patterned cloak Bartsch 7 , an etching to which the body is added only from the 5th state. But the final composition is a half-length rather than the bust seen here and the pose in the etching is more frontal. The drapery is also significantly different. Despite the narrow fictive margin below the image in the touched proof, the sheet has been trimmed, as the plate usually measures x mm.
It was long - and not unreasonably - assumed that the present sheet was a preliminary sketch for the completion of the etching, which is also monogrammed and dated in the plate, but that the design was rejected in favour of the more frontal pose that was finally adopted. Two other early proofs of the same etching exist that are also reworked in black chalk.
It shows the body drawn in black chalk in a more frontal pose, with hints of the patterning to come on the sleeve. But it remains closer in composition to Benesch 57 than to the etching. The other impression, drawn on an example of the 3rd state in the British Museum inv. This has prompted the suggestion that the chalk additions date from later than the etched head, which is from as already mentioned, it is signed and dated in the copper plate — see n.
The artist's age, adjusted from 27 to 24 in this and in the proof in Paris, would imply that the artist added the chalk busts later, in , when he was 27 he was born on 15 July ; and that realising his error in dating the face to the time when he drew in black chalk, so the argument runs, he adjusted his age back to So presumably the etching was begun when Rembrandt was 24 — before his 25th birthday on 15 July, The watermarks in the first nine states confirm, at least, that they were all completed at the same time, in Before the watermark evidence emerged, it was often thought that the etching was probably only completed later as well, in , after the rehearsals in black chalk.
The painting shows the artist in a marginally more frontal pose and with shorter hair at the back; his proportions are slightly elongated and only the hat brim is significantly different to the etched head. Intriguingly, an X-radiograph of the picture reproduced in Corpus, loc. This would support the theory that the touched proof came before the completion of the painting. Given the somewhat searching quality of the drawn areas, it again seems that the Paris impression could have been used as a preparatory sketch for the Glasgow painting.
But we would then have to believe either that Rembrandt only inscribed the sheets with his age and date later, in , which seems unlikely the chalk in the inscriptions and the drawn parts appear uniform and contemporary with each other ; or that he inscribed the sheets at the same time as he drew them, in , but in both cases mistook his own age and used a signature that became the norm in his work only later.
The decisive clue must be in the style, and on balance no more than that! Thus the style supports dating the black chalk additions to The arched composition seen here was influenced by Paulus Pontius's engraving of after Rubens's 'Self-Portrait' painted for Charles I and still in the royal collection at Windsor.
Rubens's image also seems to have informed the two painted Self-Portraits of discussed above. This was after the completion of the design of the etching in its first nine states. Is it possible that Rembrandt, in , was revisiting the compositions of his painted and etched self-portraits of with a view to producing up-to-date image of himself in a similar guise?
An etched copy after this sheet was made in by I. II, no. Amsterdam-Rotterdam, , under no. B7 '4' corrected from '7' ; Exh. Glasgow, , p. Berlin-Amsterdam-London, [I], pp. Liverpool, , no. Amsterdam-London, , no. II, repr. Washington-London-The Hague, , p. Rome, , no,13,ii, repr.
Zomer and A. Zanetti see n. Philipe, 17 April, etc. The first four states represent the head and hat only. See White, I, , p. Only one the Amsterdam impression of the fourth state might have shown the signature, but even this is uncertain see the reproduction published by Rovinski, , no. White, loc. It is usually rejected, e. Zanetti and Baron Vivant-Denon see Duchesne, , p. The existence in Venice in the eighteenth century of both the British Museum's and the Paris touched impressions raises the suspicion that Zanetti sold some 'duplicates' from the Zomer albums to Consul Smith.
The British Museum's smaller touched impression , It came to the Museum with many items from the Aylesford collection in via the dealer W.
Smith see L. According to Lugt loc. Wilson sold his collection to W. Tiffin in c. See further Royalton-Kisch, London, , under cat. II, p. Both based their arguments, which were long forgotten, on the style and on the form of the signature. Schatborn, in Exh. The artist was born on 15 July, according to Orlers, , p. Amsterdam-Rotterdam, see Lit. The earliest dated drawing to be signed with the artist's first name in full is the 'Study for Lot drunk' of in Frankfurt Benesch The first paintings to be signed in this way also date from see Corpus, II, , pp.
There it is spelt 'Rembrant' and its authenticity is doubtful; see Corpus, II, , p. Bank of Jamaica Nethersole Place. Kingston Tel. TEL: COM I WWW. Iler Jhn. List sent on request Entire series available on microfilm from: P'r:A ll-r Iri. Reggae music is sought after the world over. So why did Reggae Sunsplash, the world's first reggae music festival, not gain momentum, fame and fortune, based on reggae's popularity? This article looks at the nineteen-year history of Reggae Sunsplash, a festival that came to be regarded as the acme of the local entertainment product, from its inception in to its demise in Green and Johnson had lived in the USA for a number of years and often lamented the lack of an organised timetable of local r,.
Local reggae shows were confined chiefly to cinemas, and this put a ceiling on audience size. These men claimed that they could see more live reggae performances in the USA than they could see in Jamaica, the birthplace of reggae. According to Ronnie Burke, "Tony was insistent that he knew people who would jump on a plane and come to Jamaica for a reggae event.
The concept of a five-day outdoor music festival was new to Jamaica and the Caribbean, and the team of gentlemen pooled their ideas to form the company Synergy. The idea was conceived at an opportune moment. At that time the industry was still seasonal and the summer months were mainly for refurbishing of hotel properties. Nassau, Bahamas, at that time had a thriving summer season, and, moved possibly by that example which centred around younger people, singles and young couples, the JTB decided to embark on a similar programme.
Burke recalled that the JTB bought the idea cautiously and committed to Synergy that they could plan a budget based on two thousand persons. However, the JTB's promotion of the Singles programme was unsuccessful. Burke related that "the numbers initially committed to Synergy of two thousand were trimmed to one thousand, then to five hundred, and eventually only twenty-three packages were sold by the JTB to support the event".
Thus, Reggae Sunsplash was born with the two challenges of undercapitalisation and lack of government commitment or support. Despite its shaky beginnings, and the JTB's ambivalence towards the project, Reggae Sunsplash emerged as the first reggae festival in the history of the world, held over eight nights from Friday, 23 June, to Saturday, 30 June , at Jarrett Park, Montego Bay. This after-party element enhanced the entertainment dimension and caused Reggae Sunsplash to be known to many as a 'reggae and disco' festival.
Burke confirmed the mandate of Synergy: "We delivered the eight nights of entertainment as planned. We left Jarrett Park at a. In all, we had about four thousand people each night. The Jarrett Park venue used in and required significant effort to be transformed from a football field into a concert park, with Synergy installing infrastructure and making structural modifications to a property which was managed and owned by the St James Parish Council. During this period, the audience grew from four thousand patrons on its inaugural night to fifteen thousand by Ronnie Burke admits: We outgrew Jarrett Park and it had become dangerous.
Our largest audience segment had reached fifteen thousand. In , the phenomenal Yellowman arrived on the scene. We put him to perform on a Thursday night, which normally drew audiences of some two to three thousand. All of a sudden, the whole world arrived. There was the mobbing of his Mercedes Benz. We now had to start transporting him by taxi to camouflage his entry.
The fact is that due to growing crowds, the venue had become inadequate. A serious incident in which three female tourists were alleged to have been killed sounded the alarm bell. The barriers had overturned and they fell underneath. The force of the crowd brought the weight down on them.
As it turned out, they were virtually unharmed. However, the thought of litigation was frightening. However, relocation became a vexed issue. No alternative site was offered to the promoters. The government's only collaborative effort with S;, ni.. In contrast, in November , in response to a proposal from the US-based organizers of the World Music Festival to host a four-day music festival in Montego Bay in April , government gave a ready response: the prime minister, Edward Seaga, dedicated fifteen acres of land on the peninsula in Montego Bay to the memory of Bob Marley.
According to Burke, "the government The arrangement was that the government would collect 50 per cent of the revenue and rights to the video recordings. Reggae Sunsplash had already been in existence for four years without realising a profit and struggling with the inadequacies of space to the detriment of its patrons. But it was unsuitable for use with local technical facilities and was in fact designed for use with the massive technical equipment, which bands like the Rolling Stones would use.
We were like a tiny foot in a giant's mouth. The festival therefore returned to Jarrett Park for another three-year period between and , facing problems of almost crisis proportions due to the inadequacies of sanitary facilities and overcrowding. The Bob Marley Entertainment Centre, which had remained unutilised since the summer of , required significant expenditure for restoration, especially to construct the kind of perimeter fencing that would prevent patrons 'beating the gates', as this was a recurrent problem that plagued the promoters in their tenure at Jarrett Park.
Synergy unilaterally and successfully undertook the reconstruction of the Bob Marley Entertainment Centre before returning to that location in In that period the government conceded only on the grounds that they were not required to make a financial commitment. After a brief respite from an obstacle-ridden relationship with the government, Synergy was notified that they would have to start paying rent for the property, which was used solely for the hosting of Sunsplash annually. According to Burke, "We protested as all the infrastructure had been established by us.
Only the property itself was owned by the UDC. Burke pointed out that "if Synergy had purchased a piece of land and continuously upgraded it, it would by this have been the ideal site and not the type of run-down place the centre was". At a press briefing held at Wyndham Rose Hall in Montego Bay, Mr Seaga gave the reasons for the centre being turned into a housing project. At that time he said, among other things, that the land was prime real estate and was needed for a more vital project. He said that a piece of land adjacent to the Barnett River was to be made available for the relocation of the centre.
The alternative site offered was a seven-acre property in Catherine Hall, St James, which was nestled between an abattoir and a malfunctioning sewage plant. Apart from the inappropriateness of the location, Synergy would again be required to disburse large sums for infrastructure work. Despite the UDC's undertaking that Catherine Hall would be ready for Reggae Sunsplash in , the engineers had advised that the requisite infrastructure work would not be completed in time.
The festival had evolved as a tourism product, synonymous with the s's of tourism: sea, sand, sun, and the fourth factor, not officially acknowledged: sex. The musical entertainment was value added, but the tourism objective was paramount. Without a beach and supporting attractions, Jam World could not attract international tourists. The volume of hotel rooms required to support the event was lacking in the Kingston, St Andrew and St Catherine areas. The number of domestic tourists attending Sunsplash had also fallen dramatically in , causing Cooper to observe: The Sunsplash case study confirms that the original 'excursion element'6 in the reggae festival is essential for both international and domestic tourists.
The role of the domestic tourist - particularly the Kingston-based reggae fan in the success of both Sunsplash and Sumfest complicates my reading of the cultural politics of heritage tourism. For if the domestic tourist does, indeed, prefer to consume the commoditised reggae package in a tourist setting, rather than in the more familiar Jam World background, then 'excursion' reggae tourism must be acknowledged as one kind of resolution of the contradictions that inhere in heritage tourism.
Signs of profitability between and should have given both government and Synergy the impetus to acquire a permanent venue. Instead, the battle between the government and Synergy continued. Financial viability became elusive, and the combined lack of state and private- sector support, high production costs, illegal entry to the event, and exorbitant interest rates on borrowed money created enormous economic pressures. Burke argued that "the media and the public measured profitability by the size of the audiences and so did [his] bankers".
Burke argued, however, that Synergy's accounting records told another story. Reggae Sunsplash had never been a magnet for sponsorship. A limited number of companies lent support to the venture. In Sunsplash was moved to Dover, a car-racing track midway between Runaway Bay and Brown's Town in St Ann, and in to Chukka Cove, both of which were dismal financial failures. After the disaster Synergy finally gave up its involvement, and handed over the festival to other promoters. In addition to domestic tourism, a summer tourism product was being created for the first time, as a Gleaner columnist noted: "People came from nooks and crannies Jamaicans never dreamed of or heard of: Penang, Azania, Denver, Stuttgart, Helsinki, Orange, Munich, Pacific Grove, Lugana Beach, Seoul, Sao Paulo and many others.
Each year there was a new place represented at the musical affair. Over the entire life of the festival, sponsorship from the JTB was chiefly 'in kind' in the form of promotional support, press conferences, endorsement, and hosting of special guests and officials. While Synergy lacked the institutional capacity to manage all areas effectively, government could have facilitated certain legal aspects such as registering of the name and logo through the Attorney General's Department or JAMPRO.
These were not registered until , by which time unauthorised use of the name and logo was rampant overseas. Due to financial constraints, we were threatened all around to tie down the ownership of the trademark. If we could have afforded international legal fees, we could have exercised our legal claim to ownership of the trademark.
The fees were prohibitive. In fact, they were higher than our total budget. I must confess that the idea got bigger than our ability to control it and own it. The aloof attitude at the leadership level was illustrated by Desmond Henry, Director of Tourism from to , who had no intention of attending the inaugural event. According to Burke, He was reluctant to attend, as he feared it would be a disaster. It was not until the final evening [when] Andrew Young, the then US Secretary of State, who was attending a conference in Montego Bay, and [said he] wanted to attend, that Desmond Henry was forced to attend.
The effort, however, proved to achieve the dual mandate of attracting not only international, but domestic tourists. This added benefit served the government well, as the newly formed National Hotels and Properties Limited26 had been struggling with low occupancy levels. There is no doubt that Reggae Sunsplash was a significant contributor to domestic tourism during the summer off-peak season. However, local hotel owners and managers had difficulty receiving their own. As a Gleaner editorial noted, "Montego Bay hoteliers who particularly in the leaner years loved the festival, because it gave Jamaica's name a boost in the marketplace, and also because they could count on it to keep some beds full, are said to be arguing that not the best clientele comes with the festival.
The validating elite and policymakers of both private and public sectors could not transcend the condescending view that a reggae music festival equated with ganja smoking or a 'drug fest', and consequently an event with which they would not want to be associated. According to a Sunday Gleaner column, By far the largest block of anti-Sunsplash sentiments came from Montego Bay hoteliers who have seen the festival through 11 of its 12 years of existence.
Hoteliers of large and small properties were mostly forthright in their comments about the trauma their respective properties went through in relation to the festival. The consensus among hoteliers was that the music show was more of a headache than the homage it pretended to pay to one of the greatest proponents of the music to date Bob Marley and other contemporaries. Most managers and boards of directors in and around Montego Bay have therefore placed an official 'no-no' on the show.
For them, not accepting the average Sunsplash visitor including Jamaican nationals was an unwritten rule. The corporate attitude of the tourism bureaucrats is best reflected in an excerpt from a JTB memorandum dated 10 October [A] good part of the attraction of reggae music to its metropolitan audience is the anger and protest of the lyrics. We obviously face a contradiction between the message of urban poverty and protest which reggae conveys and that of pleasure and relaxation inherent in our holiday product. In short, when we promote reggae music we are promoting an aspect of Jamaican culture which is bound to draw attention to the harsher circumstances in our lives.
All the articles written on the sound so far do this. Our view is that we should leave other agencies and local music interests to carry the ball from here. At the micro level, Reggae Sunsplash proved that there were motivational factors outside of sea, sun and sand that were capable of effectively marketing Jamaica, namely its indigenous culture and, more specifically, reggae music. This proved psychologically challenging to tourism policymakers who had grown accustomed to a kind of 'class tourism' as well as an established order that sold hotels as self-contained resorts, instead of the country, Jamaica.
Such an institutionalized practice meant that they could influence the holiday experience of the guests, which essentially meant keeping guests within the confines of hotel properties. Reggae Sunsplash had a daunting effect on the national psyche of tourism power brokers. The festival challenged the traditional marketing paradigm. Reggae Sunsplash established a new model where the cultural experience associated with reggae became the dominant motivating force. The magnetic pull of this cultural experience is best reflected in the growth of the audience from an average of four thousand patrons in to an estimated maximum attendance on Dancehall Night of forty thousand in In the history of Jamaican tourism, the beach as a space had been used to create artificial, racial and social divisions.
The introduction of Sunsplash coincided with new political directions in Jamaica's history which included nationalisation of hotel ownership and the accompanying beach properties. This political process therefore facilitated access to the beach for the beach parties to local and foreign tourists alike. Reggae Sunsplash can claim some credit for contributing to the process of effacement of class- related policies in tourism which had psychologically and physically denied the natives access. The allure and mass appeal of Reggae Sunsplash meant that if the 'uptowners' wanted to attend, they had to be prepared to interface with the downtownerss'.
A Gleaner columnist observed: Undoubtedly, the most controversial part of Sunsplash is the way people let down their hair during the event. Some of the upper-crust residents of St Andrew were there. The list included those in prominent middle-class areas and they participated in every aspect from start to finish, refusing to be left out of any. The most frightening thing was the way the rich, lame and lazy and those in other categories lay side-by-side, unconcerned about who is next to whom.
It was good to see people from all social strata mingling and celebrating what's uniquely ours. And that's what it's all about uniting the world, black and white, rich and poor, through the power and force of reggae music. Both festivals are meant to be one great melting pot a "big yard" where, as Michigan and Smiley chanted, "the social barriers break down and we all come together on one ground".
When Bob Marley came to prominence, there were some negatives, the Rasta, the ganja, the drugs. You have to remember that in those days, Jamaica's tourism did not go to the mass popular audience of today. In those days, our hotels were not all-inclusive factories with relatively cheap rooms. You had a product that was very upmarket and exclusive and so the music would not have been a drawing card for that market.
The s was the turning point. In Jamaica there had been a limited number of live music shows prior to Sunsplash. The view that Jamaican talent was inferior to that of North American and other overseas entertainers was quickly erased as Jamaicans celebrated their own, many of whom were already well known on the international charts.
One of the indelible contributions of Reggae Sunsplash was as a catalyst for developing the indigenous capacity of the music industry players, whether they were singers, dancers, DJs or musicians. Even the physical production capacity of the industry had to rise to the standard of the occasion. When Sunsplash came into existence, there was inadequate lighting and acoustics for such an event, and as the show grew, sound, lighting and stage facilities had to be imported from abroad, until the indigenous capacity reached the required standard.
Synergy had a pioneering role in promoting reggae as top-drawer entertainment not only among the grassroots but also the local elites. Reggae Sunsplash also proved that the entertainment potential of such shows could attest to the sustainability of reggae music as a business. While Reggae Sunsplash suffered from a lack of sponsorship, the festival sensitised the local private sector to the potential benefits to be derived from associating with such events. The festival came at a time when the world had been introduced to reggae music by its most outstanding proponents.
The film The Harder They Come had also played a role in promoting reggae and its culture. Sunsplash became a vehicle for upward mobility in the entertainment sector and the wider society. Sunsplash motivated artistes to higher standards of performance. This facilitated the forging of long-term, synergistic relationships with international music promoters. Radio announcer Winston Barnes appropriately described the situation: Today a test of your mettle as a reggae performer is whether you work Splash or not.
Any reggae performer has to get his credentials okayed in Jamaica. You earn your full citizenship in R.. The PhD comes only with Jamaica and Sunsplash. The and Dancehall Nights could be regarded as the summit of performance when Shabba Ranks arrived at dawn in a helicopter and was deposited on stage by a crane. Even reggae artistes from overseas like Aswad, Steel Pulse and UB40 sought validation at the festival, which had become a standard-bearer in the international entertainment industry.
There arose less of a reliance on the local producers as the artistes recognized very forcefully that entertainment was in fact a global business, and that they had a pivotal and indispensable role. The coming of international industry representatives and booking agencies serves as a testimony to these newly found relationships.
Reggae Sunsplash became an international marketplace analogous to the roles of the Jamaica Product Exchange3" to the local tourism sector, and the World Travel Market to the international industry. So important had Reggae Sunsplash become to the international recording industry that its representatives migrated temporarily to Montego Bay annually, for the duration of Sunsplash, in search of talent and, in.
Byron Lee, in describing the Reggae Sunsplash experience, stated: Those days when every representative of a major record company used to come with cheque books to Sunsplash to sign contracts have disappeared. At that time, you would have thirty-five to forty artistes signing contracts with major record companies. Furthermore, a significant, A if not monumental achievement of the festival was the diversi- fication it brought not only to tourism, but to the local music industry which, prior to this, had been focused on the recording side of the business.
The character of the event shifted the focus to live performance and directed the cadre of entertainers to the infinite performance opportunities available internationally. Clyde McKenzie offers an evaluation of the relationship between recording and live performances: Internationally, live shows seem to be the area of bi. C 04 - I- - has declined significantly. The whole music industry appears to be in transition. I think a new business model is about to emerge.
There will be greater emphasis on live performances. What used to happen is that concerts, tours and shows were used to drive record sales, but currently it appears to be going in the opposite direction. In promoting these annual reggae tours to forty- five US venues, including the Hopi Indian Reservation in Arizona, as well as to Hawaii, Mexico, Bermuda, the United Kingdom, Japan, Australia and Europe, this venture served as a major promotional tool and public relations.
Reggae Sunsplash required more structured management of artistes and improved discipline among them. This became apparent in the Sunsplash era. The rising international acclaim of the industry drove several new players into the business as managers and booking agents, changing the previously antagonistic relationship that existed. The festival served an additional promotional role for the entertainment industry through the added exposure of Sunsplash tours overseas which started in with a view to creating an economically viable product.
The Reggae Sunsplash tours gave international exposure to artistes at a time when management companies for entertainers were not the uman P'o8 norm locally. A major by-product, therefore, was the promotion and branding of destination Jamaica. Reggae Sunsplash created an organic and synergistic relationship between music and tourism.
Even within the tourism directorate, this benefit was belatedly recognized,41 as Anthony Abrahams admitted: "What is funny is that we thought that tourism would launch the music; we didn't see the music as launching tourism. Several other music festivals have emerged since and adopted the Sunsplash template, which of course prior to Sunsplash was nonexistent. Festivals of this type have emerged in St Kitts, Nevis, St Lucia, Grenada and Barbados, and many have been specifically timed to coincide with traditional off-peak periods. The reach and impact of Reggae Sunsplash extended beyond Caribbean borders.
Burke spoke of a joint- venture Reggae Sunsplash with the Japanese in ,43 but by the following year they flew into Jamaica, booked the artistes, and hosted the event independently called Japan Splash or Trench Town East. The nine-day Rototom Sunsplash, which originated in Italy and recently moved to Spain, celebrated its seventeenth anniversary in ; Reggae on the River, an annual event in Humbolt Country, California, also cloned from Sunsplash, which during the tenure of the festival was co-marketed with Reggae Sunsplash on a number of occasions, celebrated its twenty-fourth anniversary in August The overbooking of concerts and the institutionalisation of annual reggae festivals, local and international, patterned on the Reggae Sunsplash format and often incorporating 'splash' in the trade names Japan Splash, Rototum Sunsplash, Reggae Sunsplash USA , are sufficient evidence.
This is where Jamaican artistes currently earn most of their income. Festivals and events are the big occasions. We play chiefly at festivals. This is where the money is. The duration of reggae concerts often compels local audiences to overnight in the location. The entertainment portfolio lends itself to exploration and interface with the local culture and community. The villa-and-apartment sector, which accounts for 30 per cent of rooms, enjoyed, and still enjoys, full occupancy during festival periods.
The proliferation of other local and foreign reggae concerts and events all testify to this fact. Synergy, the creators of Reggae Sunsplash, deserve full recognition for daring to conceptualise and implement this local cultural music festival, promoting reggae music at a time when this musical genre was considered taboo by the validating elites of Jamaica. NOTES 1. Ronnie Burke, interview by author, Kingston, Jamaica, 12 August Burke, interview.
For the domestic tourists, it was the excursion element that provided the motivation for attending Reggae Sunsplash. John Towner, in A Historical Geography of Recreation and Tourism in the Western World London: Wiley and Sons, , identifies the movement from town to country among the wealthy as one of the earliest patterns of leisure: "The regular movement of the affluent from town to country for enjoyment and relaxation was expressed either as short-term excursions into the surrounding rural area or as a longer term retreat of several days, weeks or months" Cooper, "'Welcome to Jamrock' ", The most significant donation in the history of the festival came from Wisynco Trading Company and Nestle Jamaica Limited, who recognized the value of audience exposure to the consumption of their products.
NHP formed a marketing arm, Jamaica Resort Hotels, which engaged in regular corporate advertising for hotels under their management The advertisements refer to "a convenient reservation system, any of our hotels will accept reservations for any other And remember Boisterous, uncouth and unkempt in appearance. Dorman, "Doubts". I suggest that this cultural quest was akin to the Grand Tour experience of the European aristocracy of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the essential difference being that the European Grand Tour was based on class tourism, whereas the Jamaican 'Grand Tour' was based on mass tourism.
Sharon Earle, "Sunsplash Dorman, "Reggae Sunsplash". Basil Walters, Daily Observer, 19 August , Anthony Abrahams, interview by author, Kingston, Jamaica, July Anthony Abrahams spoke of the Wailers enjoying an "elevated status" when they performed with Marvin Gaye at the Carib Cinema in the early s.
They were also reputed to have opened shows for the Jackson Five concert in and Stevie Wonder's 'Dream Concert' in , where for some in the audience, the Wailers eclipsed the featured artist. The Wailers in fact closed the Jackson Five concert since the featured group insisted on performing at the time agreed in their contract. Jamaica Product Exchange is a marketing forum organised by the Jamaica Hotel and Tourist Association for international tour operators. Byron Lee, interview by author, Kingston, Jamaica, 5 February Herbie Miller relates that in Tony King of the JTB arranged a board meeting with Miller, as Peter Tosh's manager, and sought to get the board to participate in reggae tours by following the itinerary of artistes in order to promote Jamaica as a tourism destination in Europe.
This suggestion fell on deaf ears.
Interview with the author, Kingston, Jamaica, 30 July Abrahams, interview. Coore, interview. For a comprehensive treatment of the history of Sunsplash, including the artistes who appeared over the years, see Java Immanuel-I, Reggae Sunsplash Philadelphia: Java Immanuel-I, Elaborating on his concept of 'nation language', Kamau Brathwaite shows how "oral tradition demands not only the griot but the audience to complete the community". Indeed, the evolution of Jamaican popular music, a widely accepted guardian of African-Caribbean culture, exists not necessarily on record but in the tradition of live performance.
The unique practice of dubplate recording and presentation within sound system culture provides an ideal point from which to examine the trajectory of the spoken word in popular culture as well as the links between artiste and community. The practice centres around the re-recording of an existing song in order to create a special, personalised song for a particular radio deejay or sound system selector the person who selects the songs for the sound system. Dubplates are incorporated into sound system competitions called sound clashes and radio programmes, or used independently to celebrate a particular sound system, selector or radio deejay.
Like practically all important developments in Jamaican popular music, dubplates are the product of sound system culture. Driven by live performance and the spoken word tradition, sound systems are closely linked to African-Caribbean nation language. At the same time, dubplates are very much peculiarly Jamaican, born out of distinct cultural and technical developments specific to the Jamaican experience. In the s, for example, everyone knew V-Rocket had the high-treble tone and Lloyd's Hi-Fi owned "the heaviest sound around".
Speaker box and amplifier construction has always been a detailed affair. Count C, a sound system owner from the s, is quick to point out how it was the engineer at the old Majestic Theatre on Spanish Town Road who built Count C's tube amplifier. Count C's son, Father Romie, owner of Exodus Nuclear, which went straight to the top of Jamaica's sound system hierarchy in the s, says his system creates a half-moon shape of sound.
And Jamaican music in general is known internationally for its fat bass. Speaking to his theory of nation language, Brathwaite wrote that African-Caribbean culture is "based as much on sound as it is on song In his ethnography of dancehall culture, Wake the Town and Tell the People, Norman Stolzoff notes that "finding exclusive tunes and making sure that no one else could get them became a constant pursuit". Tom the Great Sebastian, Count C's contemporary, would try to connect with the same sailors, albeit through a different route the brothels sailors frequented.
Technological developments such as local record production and the microphone provided new tools of exclusivity and established novel, critical links between the artiste and the community. For example, the microphone led to the emergence of the deejay in the late s and early s. As the person who chats on a microphone, the deejay signalled a new type of exclusive vocal track and a creative invitation to group participation, a new method with which the griot could, to use Brathwaite's term, "complete the community".
The microphone "gave the voice reach and agency", Clinton Hutton has noted. Count Matchukie, the s deejay and toasting pioneer, set a standard for microphone use that is still very much in practice today. Hutton reports how, by weaving together I i'. Men such as Matchukie specialised in speaking in several tongues: from Queen's English to Jamaican patois.
Sometimes these toasts were boastful, satirical, or even nonsensical. Describing her observations of Jamaican performance artistes in the s, Roberts noted "the very general and marked ability to mimic, the love of the spectacular, the conscious strutting" which, according to her analysis, demonstrate "the keen appreciation of the comic and tragic" and "the undisputed African heritage of the Anansi stories". The combination of vocal and local elements would inform the emergence of dubplate practice. Sound systems in the s and s became a significant source of national consciousness.
According to Hutton, "Socially, the sound system became a centre pole phenomenon, inciting and engendering creative imagination, consciousness and activism around which an unstated, informal national movement coalesced for aesthetic and ontological gratification. Hutton notes that "the sounds and styles of sound that these sound systems generated became the drawing card for the weekly mass rituals that took place across Jamaica"..
Simply put by Matchukie, "It was live jive and it really made people feel happy! With each new development a new, corresponding improvisational style emerged, creating a call-and-response situation between form and function, style and structure. Local record production, which started in with Ken Khouri's Federal Records, led to the practice of 'testing' the market as well as the accidental development of the 'riddim', or rhythm, track two developments that directly led to dubplates.
It is by no accident that the root of the modern-day term 'dubplate' is the phrase 'dub plate', referring to the one-off recordings that early Jamaican record manufacturers were able to make on the spot. Constructed of acetate, 'dub plates' were temporary productions never meant for public consumption. As Bunny Goodison, owner of the foundation Soul Shack sound system, told Stolzoff, "The initial Jamaican stuff was strictly for sound system purposes.
Despair turned to glee, however, when Redwood found that the instrumental, or riddim, track combined with vocal improvisation would cause an oversight sensation. The arrival of the riddim track recorded on the dub plate launched the improvisational vocal styles shared by artistes like King Stitt, U-Roy and, later on, Yellowman. The person working the turntable would first play the vocal mix before allowing the deejay to extemporise on the same riddim, which came to be known as 'part two'.
All types of theatre, drama, comedy, noises and other ways of engaging the audience extemporaneously would be devised on the spot to fill these creative spaces. Yellowman, a deejay on Aces International sound system in the s, remembers it this way: What I used to do, I used to deejay the lyrics to match the vocal version.
Like, Dennis Brown would sing a song, [Brown would] say, "Hold on to what you got, hold on to what you got. Meanwhile that the vocal version playing I thinking up something, you know. That's when the part two come. I would say, "Hold up pon de woman weh you got, hold up pon de woman weh you got, whether she white or whether she black, whether she in her pants or frock, hold up pon de woman weh you got. Live performance effectively revealed who the quick- thinking artistes were.
Yellowman explains how some of his biggest hits were actually standard lyrics he would first deliver live: Most of my songs I used to sing at dance. All my songs, I used to sing it at dance before I record it. They would say, "Yellow, I like that lyrics. Whether in the s or the s, the popularity of a sound system would rely as much on the live vocal improvisation of the deejay as the music the deejay chatted along with.
Live, improvised vocal accompaniment became a defining characteristic of musical presentation and was critical to maintaining the sound system as a "centre pole" of consciousness, to use Hutton's term. Sister Nancy, a female deejay from the rub-a-dub era, compared the ability of the rub-a-dub dance to complete the community in comparison to a concert performance stage show.
At a rub-a- dub dance, she said, you mingle with the crowd and you rub shoulder to shoulder with the people dem.